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Torture
Memos & the Rule of Law By
Alan Shapiro
To the Teacher:
President
Obama recently released four Bush administration Department of Justice memos on
approved interrogation techniques. These documents-- and the new president's view
of them--have generated debate about issues that go to the heart of the "rule
of law" in a democracy. The
first student reading below provides some background on the memos as well as excerpts
from them. The second offers a slightly abridged transcript of President Obama's
written statement upon the release of the documents. Discussion questions and
suggested approaches for encouraging critical thinking follow, along with a suggested
writing and citizenship activity. Teachers
might find useful "Teaching on Controversial
Issues" in the high school section of www.teachablemoment.org.
Student
Reading 1: Bush administration 'techniques'
Locking
prisoners in boxes, slamming them into walls, forcing them to experience the sensation
of drowning through waterboarding. These and other forms of torture called "coercive"
or "enhanced" interrogation techniques by Department of Justice (DOJ)
lawyers in the Bush administration and used by CIA interrogators have leaked out
in recent years. After
the 9/11 terrorist attacks, top government officials thought that other attacks
might be imminent. They apparently believed that U.S. law and international treaty
commitments stood in the way of forcing prisoners to provide information that
might prevent such an attack. They felt they needed to be able to apply aggressive
interrogation techniques that would not be defined as "torture" or "war
crimes"--since these are outlawed. The
U.S. War Crimes Act defines a "war crime" as "a grave breach"
of the Geneva Conventions, which state: "No physical or mental torture, nor
any other form of coercion may be inflicted on prisoners of war to secure from
them information of any kind whatsoever." The UN Convention Against Torture
also prohibits torture. But
then Vice President Dick Cheney told an interviewer that the terrorist threat
meant the U.S. would have to go over to "the dark side" to defend itself.
This Bush administration view resulted in legal opinions that called the Geneva
Conventions "quaint." Bush administration lawyers used the term "enemy
combatants" instead of "prisoners of war." They defined torture
as "equivalent in intensity to the pain accompanying serious physical injury,
such as organ failure, impairment of bodily function, or even death," in
the words of a memo by DOJ Assistant Attorney General Jay Bybee on August 1, 2002. After
Bybee left the DOJ, his successor, Jack Goldsmith, retracted the Bybee opinion
that permitted "interrogation tactics just short of homicide." In The
Torture Presidency, which Goldsmith wrote after he became a Harvard law professor,
Goldsmith maintained that Bybee's opinions had "no source in law" and
"rested on one-sided legal arguments." "They were valuable to the
administration nonetheless," Goldsmith said, "because the CIA saw one
of them as a 'golden shield' against criminal prosecution of agents who had used
harsh interrogation techniques." (Steven Gillers, a teacher of legal ethics
at the New York University School of Law, "The Torture Memo," www.thenation.com,
4/9/08) On
April 16, 2009, the Obama administration released four more DOJ memos, after the
American Civil Liberties Union filed a lawsuit demanding the documents under the
Freedom of Information Act. The memos detail what the DOJ regarded as legal interrogation
techniques. Some samples: Nudity
Memo
by Steven Bradbury, Chief of DOJ's Office of Legal Counsel, May 10, 2005: "This
technique is used to cause psychological discomfort, particularly if a detainee,
for cultural or other reasons, is especially modest. When the technique is employed,
clothing can be provided as an instant reward for cooperation. During and between
interrogation sessions, a detainee may be kept nude, provided that ambient temperatures
and the health of the detainee permit. "
Interrogators
can exploit the detainee's fear of being seen naked. In addition, female officers
involved in the interrogation process may see the detainees naked, and
we
will assume that detainees subjected to nudity as an interrogation technique are
aware that they may be seen naked by females." Sleep
deprivation (more than 48 hours without sleep) Memo
by Steven Bradbury, May 10, 2005: "The
primary method of sleep deprivation involves the use of shackling to keep the
detainee awake. In this method, the detainee is standing and is handcuffed, and
the handcuffs are attached by a length of chain to the ceiling. The detainee's
hands are shackled in front of his body, so that the detainee has approximately
a two- to three-foot diameter of movement. The detainee's feet are shackled to
a bolt in the floor. "
We
understand that a detainee undergoing sleep deprivation is generally fed by hand
by CIA personnel so that he need not be unshackled
.If the detainee is clothed,
he wears an adult diaper under his pants
it is checked regularly and changed
as necessary. "
The
maximum allowable duration for sleep deprivation authorized by the CIA is 180
hours [7 days]."
Waterboarding Memo
by DOJ Assistant Attorney General Jay Bybee, August 1, 2002: "In
this procedure, the individual is bound securely to an inclined bench, which is
approximately four feet by seven feet. The individual's feet are generally elevated.
A cloth is placed over the forehead and eyes. Water is then applied to the cloth
in a controlled manner. As this is done, the cloth is lowered until it covers
both the nose and mouth. Once the cloth is saturated and completely covers the
mouth and nose, air flow is slightly restricted for 20 to 40 seconds due to the
presence of the cloth. This causes an increase in carbon dioxide level in the
individual's blood. This increase in the carbon dioxide level stimulates increased
effort to breathe. This effort plus the cloth produces the perception of 'suffocation
and incipient panic,' i.e., the perception of drowning. "
In
the absence of prolonged mental harm, no severe mental pain or suffering would
have been inflicted, and the use of these procedures would not constitute torture." Insects
Placed in a Confinement Box Memo
by Jay Bybee, August 1, 2002: "You
would like to place [Abu] Zubaydah in a cramped confinement box with an insect.
You have informed us that he appears to have a fear of insects. In particular,
you would like to tell Zubaydah that you intend to place a stinging insect into
the box with him
..You have orally informed us that you would in fact place
a harmless insect such as a caterpillar in the box with him
.Focusing in
part on the fact that the boxes will be without light, placement in these boxes
would constitute a procedure designed to disrupt profoundly the senses
With
the respect to the small confinement box, you have informed us that he would spend
at most two hours in this box
.For the larger box, in which he can both stand
and sit, he may be placed in this box for up to eighteen hours at a time." (See
the four memos in their entirety at www.aclu.org
in pdf format.) During
2002-2003, top Bush administration officials met repeatedly in the White House
Situation Room to discuss allowable interrogation techniques. Sleep deprivation
and waterboarding were among the tortures described in detail and demonstrated.
In attendance were Vice President Dick Cheney, Secretary of State Colin Powell,
Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, Attorney General John Ashcroft, CIA Director
George Tenet and National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice. Asked later about
these meetings, President Bush said, "I'm aware our national security team
met on this issue and I approved." (www.abcnews.go.com,
4/9/08 and 4/11/08)
For
discussion 1.
What questions do students have about the reading? How might they be answered? 2.
Why did Bush administration officials think it necessary to use interrogation
techniques against prisoners that had been prohibited in the past? Why had these
techniques been prohibited? 3.
Why did DOJ lawyers provide the Bush administration with new legal opinions
on interrogation techniques? 4.
How and why did Bybee and Goldsmith differ on these legal opinions? 5.
Do you regard the approved DOJ interrogation techniques as torture? Why or
why not? Do you think that in the light of the terrorist threat, they were justified--
whether or not they were torture? Why or why not? 6.
In the final analysis, who was responsible for the use of such techniques? What
makes you think so?
Student
Reading 2: Obama's Response
When
the four memos were released, President Obama made this statement (which is slightly
abridged here): "
These memos speak to techniques that were
used in the interrogation of terrorism suspects [between 2002 and 2005], and their
release is required by the rule of law. "My
judgment on the content of these memos is a matter of record. In one of my very
first acts as President, I prohibited the use of these interrogation techniques
by the United States because they undermine our moral authority and do not make
us safer
.A democracy as resilient as ours must reject the false choice between
our security and our ideals, and that is why these methods of interrogation are
already a thing of the past. "But
that is not what compelled the release of these legal documents today. While I
believe strongly in transparency and accountability, I also believe that in a
dangerous world, the United States must sometimes carry out intelligence operations
and protect information that is classified for purposes of national security
.I
believe that exceptional circumstances surround these memos and require their
release. "First,
the interrogation techniques described in these memos have already been widely
reported. Second the previous administration publicly acknowledged portions of
the program and some of the practices associated with these memos. Third, I have
already ended the techniques described in the memos through executive order. Therefore,
withholding these memos would only serve to deny facts that have been in the public
domain for some time. This could contribute to an inaccurate accounting of the
past, and fuel erroneous and inflammatory assumptions about actions taken by the
United States. In
releasing these memos, it is our intention to assure those who carried out their
duties relying in good faith upon legal advice from the Department of Justice
that they will not be subject to prosecution. The men and women of our intelligence
community serve courageously on the front lines of a dangerous world
[and]
because of their sacrifices, every single American is safer. We must protect their
identities as vigilantly as they protect our security, and we must provide them
with the confidence that they can do their jobs. "
The
exceptional circumstances surrounding these memos should not be viewed as an erosion
of the strong legal basis for maintaining the classified nature of secret activities.
I will always do whatever is necessary to protect the national security of the
United States. "This
is a time for reflection, not retribution
.We have been through a dark and
painful chapter of our history. But at a time of great challenges and disturbing
disunity, nothing will be gained by spending our time and energy laying blame
for the past. Our national greatness is embedded in America's ability to right
its course in concert with our core values and move forward with confidence. That
is why we must resist the forces that divide us, and instead come together on
behalf of our common future. "The
United State is a nation of laws. My administration will always act in accordance
with those laws, and with an unshakeable commitment to our ideals. That is why
we have released these memos, and that is why we have taken steps to ensure that
the actions described within them never take place again."
Suggestions
for Critical Thinking The
Thinking Game/Doubting Game One
critical thinking approach to a controversial reading is "Teaching
Critical Thinking" in the high school section of www.teachablemoment.org.
It calls for a rigorous analysis of such a reading by involving students in two
games: the "believing game," in which students offer reasons to believe
as much of what they have read as possible; and the "doubting game,"
which calls for a close second reading to raise critical questions and opposing
views. Following these two "games" is a student effort to integrate
their thinking and come to some conclusions. Small
Group Discussion
A second approach might be to organize the class into groups of four to six students.
Have them name a reporter to take notes on their discussion for a report to the
class and then to consider such questions as the following: a.
Is there anything in the president's statement that is unclear to you? Are
there other students who might clarify these matters satisfactorily? If not, the
reporter might include them in his or her summary of the discussion to the class. b.
What is the president's view of the interrogation techniques described in the
first reading? Is his prohibition of these techniques consistent with his refusal
to prosecute those who used them? Why or why not? What does he mean by "a
false choice between our security and our ideals"? Do you agree? Why or why
not? c.
The president said that he believes strongly in "transparency and accountability."
What do you think these terms mean? Does either word apply to the president's
release of the four DOJ memos? d.
Is the president calling for "accountability" in his decision not to
prosecute those in the intelligence community who acted on the legal authority
of DOJ memos? Why or why not? e.
The president says that "every single American is safer" because
of the work of CIA interrogators. What evidence, if any, supports this assertion? f.
At the Nuremberg trials following World War II, top Nazi officials justified
their actions by claiming they were "following orders." The Court regarded
this defense as unacceptable. The president said that intelligence officers relied
"in good faith upon legal advice from the Department of Justice" and
should, therefore, not be prosecuted. Do you agree with him? Why or why not? What
about those who provided the legal advice? The top officials involved in White
House meetings who authorized it? The president who approved of their authorization? g.
President Obama regards prosecution of intelligence officers who acted on DOJ
memos as "retribution." Why? Do you agree? Why or why not? h.
The president writes that "nothing will be gained by spending our time
and energy laying blame for the past." Do you agree? If not, what do you
think could be gained? i.
The president concludes by declaring, "The United States is a nation of laws."
The U.S. State Department's Introduction to the "Principles of Democracy"
(http://usinfo.org/enus/government/overview/law.html)
defines the rule of law as follows: "Rule
of law means that no individual, president or private citizen, stands above the
law
.Laws should express the will of the people, not the whims of kings,
dictators, military officials, religious leaders, or self-appointed political
parties." Is
the president acting in accordance with the "rule of law"? Why or why
not?
For
writing and citizenship
After
the groups have their discussions and report back to the class, conduct whatever
additional class discussion seems useful. Then assign students to draft a paper
responding to the final question above about the "rule of law." Divide
students into small groups and ask them to read and discuss the papers within
their group. Then have students make whatever revisions in their papers they think
advisable and submit them to the teacher. If they wish, they might mail them to
President Obama.
This
lesson was written for TeachableMoment.Org, a project of Morningside
Center for Teaching Social Responsibility. We welcome
your comments. Please email them to: lmcclure@morningsidecenter.org.
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