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'Restoring
the Rule of Law'
By
Alan Shapiro
To the Teacher:
Has
the Bush administration flouted "the rule of law"? If so, what will
the new president and Congress do about it? The first student reading below includes
excerpts from the State Department's document Principles of Democracy, which describes
the rule of law as a fundamental quality of democracy. The reading also includes
an excerpt from a statement by Senator Russ Feingold on "Restoring the Rule
of Law." The second and third readings provide some of the evidence that
the rule of law has been violated by such Bush administration practices as torturing
prisoners, detaining them indefinitely at Guantanamo, and violating the Geneva
Conventions. Discussion questions, a proposal for a class commission of inquiry
and suggested citizenship activities follow.
Student
Reading 1: The rule of law
"For much of human
history, rulers and law were synonymous--law was simply the will of the ruler.
A first step away from such tyranny was the notion of rule by law, including the
notion that even a ruler is under the law and should rule by virtue of legal means.
Democracies went further by establishing the rule of law. Although no society
or government system is problem-free, rule of law protects fundamental political,
social, and economic rights and reminds us that tyranny and lawlessness are not
the only alternatives. "Rule
of law means that no individual, president or private citizen, stands above the
law. Democratic governments exercise authority by way of law and are themselves
subject to law's constraints. "Laws
should express the will of the people, not the whims of kings, dictators, military
officials, religious leaders, or self-appointed political parties." --U.S.
State Department (www.usinfo.state.gov), Introduction to the "Principles
of Democracy"
"Tomorrow, September 17, is the 221st anniversary of the day in 1787 when
39 members of the Constitutional Convention signed the Constitution in Philadelphia.
It is a sad fact as we approach that anniversary that for the past seven and a
half years, and especially since 9/11, the Bush administration has treated the
Constitution and the rule of law with a disrespect never before seen in the history
of this country
.The catalogue is breathtaking, even when immensely complicated
and far-reaching programs and events are reduced to simple catch phrases:
"Torture,
Guantanamo, ignoring the Geneva Conventions, warrantless wiretapping, data mining
stonewalling
of congressional oversight, abuse of the state secrets doctrine and executive
privilege
signing statements. This is a shameful legacy that will haunt our
country for years to come
." --From
"Restoring the Rule of Law," a statement by Senator Russ Feingold introducing
Judiciary Subcommittee hearings on the Constitution (September 16, 2008)
In
response to the first of the items on Senator Feingold's list, President Bush
has repeatedly said, "We don't torture." As for the others, Bush administration
officials have insisted that each is necessary to fight "the war on terror." Senator
Feingold does not accept these responses. "This President's transgressions
are so deep and the damage to our system of government so extensive that a concerted
effort from the executive and legislative branches will be needed. That's why
I called this hearing--to hear from legal and historical experts
to not only
review what has gone wrong in the past seven or eight years, but to address very
specifically what needs to be set right starting next year and how to go about
doing it." (www.feingold.senate.gov,
11/16/08) But
Mark Danner argues that just exploring the items on Senator Feingold's list doesn't
go far enough: "Revelation of wrongdoing leads not to definitive investigation,
punishment and expiation but to more scandal. Permanent scandal. Frozen scandal."
(New York Review, 12/4/08. Danner is professor of journalism at the University
of California at Berkeley and the author of Torture and Truth: America, Abu
Ghraib, and the War on Terror) Readings
2 and 3 summarize major aspects of three "frozen scandals": America's
torture of prisoners, indefinite detainment of prisoners without charge or trial
at Guantanamo, and violation of the Geneva Conventions. For
discussion
1.
What questions do students have about the reading? How might they be answered? 2.
Three steps: "rulers and law were synonymous"; "rule by law";
"rule of law." Explain each. 3.
Why did Senator Feingold call for a hearing on "Restoring the Rule of
Law"? 4.
What do you know, if anything, about each of the items the senator cited to
support his claim that "the Bush Administration has treated the Constitution
and the rule of law with a disrespect never before seen in the history of this
country"? If you need more information on any item, how would you go about
obtaining it? 5.
What do you understand Mark Danner to mean by "frozen scandal"? 6.
What questions might Danner's view raise for the incoming Obama administration?
Student
Reading 2: Torture and ignoring the Geneva Conventions
Five
days after 9/11, Vice President Dick Cheney said during a Meet the Press interview:
"We also have to work through
the dark side
it's going to be vital
for us to use any means at our disposal, basically, to achieve our objective." February
7, 2002: President Bush announced his decision to deny prisoners who were suspected
al Qaeda and Taliban fighters the protections of the Geneva Conventions. He said
they were exempt from the rules because they were "unlawful combatants,"
a term the Geneva Conventions do not recognize. August
1, 2002: As requested by White House Counsel Alberto Gonzalez, a memorandum from
Jay Bybee, Assistant Attorney General, declared that "physical pain amounting
to torture must be equivalent in intensity to the pain accompanying serious physical
injury, such as organ failure, impairment of bodily function, or even death."
Gonzalez then wrote to President Bush that the criminal prohibition against torture
"does not apply to the President's detention and interrogation of enemy combatants
pursuant to his Commander in Chief authority" and that executive officials
cannot be prosecuted for torture if "they were carrying out the President's
Commander-in-Chief powers." 2002-2003:
Then National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice chaired repeated meetings in the
White House Situation Room that included Dick Cheney, Colin Powell, Donald Rumsfeld,
John Ashcroft, and George Tenet. The subject was "enhanced interrogation
techniques." Sleep deprivation and waterboarding were among the tortures
described in detail, demonstrated and then endorsed by the Justice Department.
President Bush said of the meetings: "I'm aware our national security team
met on this issue and I approved." (www.abcnews.go.com,
4/9 and 4/11/08) President
Bush has also stated: "Torture is wrong no matter where it occurs."
(6/24/04) "Torture is never acceptable." (1/27/05) "We don't believe
in torture." (3/16/05) Reports by the International Committee of the Red
Cross, the U.S. military (for example, a report by Major General Taguba), the
FBI and a number of human rights groups, among them Amnesty International, provide
overwhelming evidence of an official government policy "to work through
the
dark side" and to use "enhanced interrogation techniques," which
many people regard as a euphemism for torture. The
Geneva Conventions state: "No physical or mental torture, nor any other form
of coercion may be inflicted on prisoners of war to secure from them information
of any kind whatever."(Third Geneva Convention). The UN Convention Against
Torture also clearly outlaws the use of torture. In addition, in 1996, the U.S.
Congress approved the War Crimes Act, which declares that "it is especially
forbidden to kill or wound treacherously individuals belonging to the hostile
nation or army." More
than 100 prisoners have died in U.S. custody. Barack
Obama: "I have said repeatedly that America doesn't torture. And I'm going
to make sure that we don't torture." (60 Minutes, CBS, 11/16/08) However,
Obama has not said what, if anything, he will do about Americans who tortured
prisoners and government officials who sanctioned that behavior.
For
discussion 1.
What questions do students have about the reading? How might they be answered? 2.
How do you interpret the meaning of Vice President Cheney's reference to "the
dark side"? 3.
What are the Geneva Conventions? What do they say about prisoners of war?
Why? 4.
What reason did President Bush give for denying suspected Taliban and Al Qaeda
fighters the prisoner protections of the Geneva Conventions? Why did he call those
fighters "enemy combatants"? 5.
What powers do the Bybee and Gonzalez memorandums give a president? On whose
or what authority? Are these powers granted in the Constitution? 6.
What do Bush administration officials mean by "enhanced interrogation techniques"?
What difference, if any, is there between them and torture? If you don't know,
how might you find out? 7.
What evidence is there to support the charge that the U.S. has tortured prisoners?
The president maintains that the U.S. does not torture prisoners. What evidence,
if any, do you know of that would support his position? If you don't know, how
might you find out?
Student
Reading 3: Guantanamo
"The
worst of the worst," declared Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld about the
more than 750 terrorist suspects ultimately held at the U.S. base at Guantanamo
Bay, Cuba, beginning in January 2002. President Bush called them "enemy combatants"
and denied them Geneva Convention rights. He said that the "war on terror"
was not the usual kind of war and required this action. In
nearly seven years there have been two military trials at Guantanamo. One man
from Yemen, who refused to present any defense, was convicted of conspiracy, solicitation
to commit murder, and providing support for terrorism. A second man, Osama bin
Laden's driver, was given credit for the five years he was imprisoned, and sentenced
to five additional months that will be up in January. The third, an Australian,
pleaded guilty to providing support for terrorism in exchange for a nine-month
sentence and is now free and back in Australia. Two-thirds of the prisoners have
been released without being tried for any crime. After
an eight-month investigation, the McClatchy news service published a five-part
series of articles, a detainee profile database, and an archive of evidence on
the Guantanamo prisoners. They found that "the U.S. imprisoned innocent men,
subjected them to abuse, [and] stripped them of their legal rights
."
(www.mcclatchydc.com/detainees/) According
to the Bush administration, 250 prisoners remain at Guantanamo. It is not clear
what will happen to them. About 50 have been cleared for release--but it's not
clear where. If returned to their native countries, they may be imprisoned or
tortured or both. About 125 are regarded as too dangerous to release but not guilty
enough to prosecute--though we don't know who made that judgment or on what basis.
About 80 are regarded as eligible for trial. But we don't know when they might
be tried or for what. In
the Military Commissions Act of 2006, Congress, for the first time in American
history, declared that non-citizens have no right to habeas corpus. This would
have allowed the government to imprison any non-citizen indefinitely without filing
criminal charges. But in Boumediene v. Bush, the Supreme Court overturned this
denial of habeas corpus, declaring, "The political branches [do not] have
the power to switch the Constitution on and off." As a result of this ruling,
in October 2008 a federal judge ordered the release of 17 Guantanamo prisoners
he said had neither fought the U.S. nor were a security threat to it. "I
think the moment has arrived for the court to shine the light of constitutionality
on the reasons for detention," declared Judge Ricardo Urbina. In
November, federal judge Richard Leon, a Bush appointee, ordered another five men
freed because the government's case rested on "a classified document from
an unnamed source," giving him no way to consider that source's reliability.
Among the five was Lakhdar Boumediene, for whom the Supreme Court's ruling on
habeas corpus was named. Judge Leon also ruled that one man in the case was held
lawfully because there was some evidence of his connection to Al Qaeda. "'We
have lots of information that is reliable, that tells us someone is a threat and
that cannot be proved in court,' said Andrew McCarthy, a former terrorism prosecutor.
He added that putting prisoners on trial would present other problems: "...
suspects captured in war do not receive protections, like warnings against self-incrimination,
that are standard police practice. And much evidence against the detainees is
classified; intelligence officials say it cannot be disclosed. Further, some interrogation
practices, including the simulated-drowning technique of waterboarding, might
leave crucial government evidence unacceptable to American judges." (William
Glaberson, New York Times, 11/15/08) Should
Guantanamo be closed? Barack
Obama: "I have said repeatedly that I intend to close Guantanamo, and I will
follow through on that." (60 Minutes, CBS, 11/16/08) As a candidate, Obama
had said he would try the remaining Guantanamo prisoners in U.S. courts. He has
not said what he would do about any who were acquitted or those who could not
be tried. Much
remains cloudy but three matters are clear: (1)
The international reputation of the United States government as a faithful practitioner
of the rule of law has been badly damaged by its treatment of prisoners and indefinite
imprisonment of hundreds of people at Guantanamo and elsewhere without charge
or trial. (2)
President Bush's unending "war on terror" was declared not by Congress,
as required under Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution, but by the president.
(3) If
it is determined that the evidence against detainees was obtained by torture,
that evidence will be unusable in any legitimate court. A notable example is the
case of Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, who confessed to being the mastermind of 9/11.
Human Rights Watch has evidence that Mohammed was tortured while in custody. (4)
If the administration has violated the rule of the law, then the United States
Congress has been complicit. Two examples: Congress did not challenge the "enemy
combatant" classification of prisoners that opened the door to their indefinite
detention at Guantanamo. And Congress passed the Military Commissions Act (which
the Supreme Court later ruled was unconstitutional) denying non-citizens the right
to habeas corpus and access to all the evidence against them. A
Human Rights Watch report called "Fighting Terrorism Fairly and Effectively"
calls on President Obama to "work with Congress to set up a commission of
inquiry to investigate, document, and publicly report on post-9/11 counterterrorism-related
abuses. The commission should specifically address the question of who should
be held accountable for these abuses and how such accountability can be achieved.
It should also make recommendations regarding what steps should be taken to ensure
that these abuses are never repeated." (www.hrw.org,
11/16/08)
For
discussion 1.
What questions do students have about the reading? How might they be answered? 2.
Why haven't more Guantanamo prisoners been charged with a crime and brought to
trial? What specific problems, according to the Bush administration, prevent their
being treated like ordinary prisoners? 3.
Why did Congress and the Bush administration deny habeas corpus rights to
prisoners? Why did the Supreme Court overrule that denial? 4.
What have been major consequences of holding prisoners suspected of terrorist
acts indefinitely at Guantanamo? Who or what is responsible? 5.
Do you support the Human Rights Watch call for a commission of inquiry on
"counterterrorism-related abuses"? Do you support the idea of determining
"who should be held accountable for these abuses and how such accountability
can be achieved?"
For
Inquiry
Help
the class organize itself as a commission of inquiry into possible "post
9/11 counterterrorism-related abuses" that violate the rule of law. Subjects
for inquiry might include each of the items on Senator Feingold's list as well
as actions of the Bush administration that led to and included the invasion of
Iraq. Before
beginning detailed inquiries, ask individual students or small groups to make
an introductory investigation of a particular issue or subject and then frame
one or more questions for teacher approval to guide further work. For example,
students inquiring into "executive privilege" should first gain an understanding
of the term, its use historically and why President Bush has been accused of misusing
executive privilege. Or, if the subject is Bush administration secrecy, what specific
charges have been made? Does this secrecy have to do with national security? Does
it violate the public's right and need to know? See "Thinking
Is Questioning" for detailed suggestions about helping students learn
how to ask and to analyze questions. Each
group within the commission of inquiry should report in writing and/or orally
on its findings and lead a class discussion of them. The
materials listed below are available in the high school section of www.teachablemoment.org.
Teachers might find them useful with students for particular inquiries. Torture
and the Geneva Conventions:
Guantanamo: Warrantless
Wiretapping and Data Mining: Executive
Privilege: Signing
Statements: Secrecy: Iraq:
For
Citizenship
See
"Teaching for Social Responsibility"
for groupwork suggestions as well as class projects in school and out. Whatever
course the class takes, one way to conclude its work is for students to prepare
e-mails and letters on their findings and thinking about the rule of law to send
to their legislators and the president.
This
lesson was written for TeachableMoment.Org, a project of Morningside
Center for Teaching Social Responsibility. We welcome
your comments. Please email them to: lmcclure@morningsidecenter.org.
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