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Presidential
Election 2008
The
First Debate:
Iran, Iraq & Afghanistan
By
Alan Shapiro
To the Teacher:
In
their first debate, Senators McCain and Obama discussed a number
of foreign policy issues. The three student readings below offer
excerpts from the candidates' views on policy toward Iraq, Iran,
and Afghanistan. Following these excerpts are commentaries by
the author aimed at complicating students' thinking about these
issues. Discussion questions follow.
For
earlier, but still relevant, materials, on U.S. policy in this
region, see in the high school section of www.teachablemoment.com
"Iraq: The Surge & Power Struggles"
"The Spread of Nuclear
Weapons," Pakistan: Unstable
Ally" and "Afghanistan:
The Return of the Taliban and Heroin."
Student Reading 1:
Debate & Commentary on Iraq
In
the first debate between 2008 presidential contenders Barack Obama
and John McCain, the candidates answered questions from moderator
Jim Lehrer of PBS on several foreign policy issues, including
US policies toward Iraq, Iran, and Afghanistan.
Lehrer:
What do you see as the lessons of Iraq?
McCain:
[After our initial military success] we went into Baghdad and
everybody celebrated. And then the war was very badly mishandled.
I went to Iraq in 2003 and came back and said, we've got to change
this strategy. This strategy requires additional troops, it requires
a fundamental change in strategy and I fought for it. And finally,
we came up with a great general [David Petraeus] and a strategy
that has succeeded [the "surge" of troops that began
last year]
.and our troops will come home, and not in defeat
we
will see a stable ally in the region and a fledgling democracy.
The
consequences of defeat would have been increased Iranian influence.
It would have been an increase in sectarian violence. It would
have been a wider war [and] the United States of America might
have had to come back
.Senator Obama said the surge could
not work, said it was doomed to failure. Recently on a television
program he said it exceeded our wildest expectations.
Obama:
Senator McCain and I have a fundamental difference because I think
the fundamental question is whether we should have gone to war
in the first place. Now six years ago, I stood up and opposed
this war at a time when it was politically risky to do so because
I said that not only did we not know how much it was going to
cost, what our exit strategy might be, how it would affect our
relationships around the world and whether our intelligence was
sound, but also because we hadn't finished the job in Afghanistan.
We hadn't caught bin Laden. We hadn't put al Qaeda to rest. Now
Senator McCain and President Bush had a very different judgment
.
And
I wish I had been wrong for the sake of the country, and they
had been right, but that's not the case. We've spent over $600
billion so far, soon to be $1 trillion. We have lost over 4,000
lives. We have seen 30,000 wounded, and most importantly, from
a strategic national security perspective, al Qaeda is resurgent,
stronger now that at any time since 2001
.We have to use
our military wisely. And we did not use our military wisely in
Iraq
Senator McCain is absolutely right that the violence
has been reduced as a consequence of the extraordinary sacrifice
of our troops and our military families
.
McCain:
The next president of the United States is not going to have
to address the issue as to whether we went into Iraq or not. The
next president of the United States is going to have to decide
how we leave, when we leave, and what we leave behind. That's
the decision of the next president of the United States.
Obama:
John, you like to pretend like the war started in 2007
.The
war started in 2003, and at the time when the war started, you
said it was going to be quick and easy. You said we knew where
the weapons of mass destruction were. You were wrong. You said
that we were going to be greeted as liberators. You were wrong.
You said that there was no history of violence between Shia and
Sunni. And you were wrong.
For discussion
1.
What questions do students have about the reading? How might they
be answered?
2.
What do the two candidates agree about?
3.
What do they disagree about?
4.
Whose arguments do you favor? Why?
5.
Obama comments on the cost of the Iraq war to the US, but not
on the cost to Iraqis. What do you think those have been? If you
don't know, how might you find out?
A
Commentary
In
January 2007, President Bush launched the "surge," which
meant adding 30,000 US troops to the 130,000 already in Iraq plus
tens of thousands of Blackwater Worldwide private armed guards.
The president said the purpose was to reduce violence and give
Iraqis "a breathing space" in which they might move
toward political reconciliation.
Senator
McCain says that the surge has been a great success. He argues
that since he had long urged the administration to send additional
American troops to Iraq, his judgment has now been vindicated.
Senator Obama seems to agree with his opponent that the surge
has been a "success"--although he views the war itself
as a grave mistake.
It
is true that it is now safer to live in Baghdad and many other
places in Iraq--though violence continues and hundreds of Iraqis
are killed and/or wounded monthly.
But
in the debate, neither candidate mentioned two factors that played
a major role in reducing violence and had little to do with the
US troop increase:
1)
"Ethnic cleansing" in Baghdad
During
2007, American troops disarmed Sunnis in their Baghdad neighborhoods
because they were a significant source of violent opposition to
the US occupation. Shiite militias seized this opportunity to
undertake an orgy of ethnic cleansing against their now-unarmed
enemy.
For
example, the Shaab district had included a mix of Sunnis and Shiites.
Soon there were practically no Sunnis. Those who weren't killed
either escaped the country (mostly to Syria) or moved elsewhere
in Iraq. Baghdad's population had been 65 percent Sunni. After
these events, the city was at least 75 percent Shiite. Violence
declined with the decline of mixed neighborhoods and when the
US army created walls to separate neighborhoods. (The source for
these observations is Juan Cole, a Middle East history professor
and an expert on Iraq. See www.juancole.com,
7/24/08)
2)
Sunni militants turning against Al Qaeda in Iraq
By
mid to late 2006, Sunni militants who had been allied with the
fundamentalist religious group "Al Qaeda in Iraq" had
turned against it. They formed al-Sahwa, "the Awakening,"
and allied themselves with the Americans before the surge began.
The US Treasury has been paying some 80,000 al-Sahwa members $300
per month, a good salary in Iraq, to guard their own neighborhoods
and kill the dwindling members of Al Qaeda. Violence declined
as a result of this development, which began well before the surge.
Many
Americans have forgotten, if they ever knew, that the purpose
of the surge was, as President Bush declared, to provide "a
breathing space" for political reconciliation among Shiites
and Sunnis. The surge has not been very successful in bringing
this about. In the election of 2006 supported by the Bush administration,
Shiite parties came out ahead. The majority of Iraqis are Shiites,
although Sunni Muslims had dominated the government for years.
The new Shiite-dominated government has not shown much interest
in reconciling with Sunni enemies who oppressed and killed them
during Saddam Hussein's rule. Two major examples of this continuing
enmity are: 1) the failure to bring a reasonable number of Sunnis
into the government, and 2) the failure of the two groups to agree
upon a fair distribution of Iraq's substantial oil revenues, a
major portion of which derive from wells in Shiite-controlled
southern Iraq.
Another
major source of oil is in northern Iraq, in the Kirkuk area, which
is controlled by Kurds. The Kurds have established a mostly autonomous
territory for themselves in northern Iraq. The Iraqi government
has been unable to hold provincial elections in Kirkuk--a city
of Kurds, Arabs, and Turks--mainly because Kurds want control
of the oil and the city. This is a further example of the failure
of political reconciliation to date.
McCain
cites no evidence to support his view that when American troops
go home, they will leave behind "a fledgling democracy"
and "a stable ally in the region."
For
discussion
1.
What questions do students have about the commentary? How might
they be answered?
2.
In what sense does the commentary indicate success for the surge?
In what sense a lack of success?
3.
Why do you think that McCain says nothing about such matters
as ethnic cleansing or the Awakening's roles in reducing violence?
Obama?
4.
What evidence is there of a lack of surge success in producing
political reconciliation? How do you explain this failure? What
does that suggest about Iraq's future after American troops leave?
Student
Reading 2:
Debate & Commentary on Iran
Lehrer:
What is your reading on the threat of Iran right now to the
security of the United States?
McCain:
My reading of the threat from Iran is that if Iran acquires
nuclear weapons, it is an existential threat to the State of Israel
and to other countries in the region because the other countries
in the region will feel a compelling requirement to acquire nuclear
weapons as well
.The Russians are preventing significant
action in the United Nations Security Council.
I have
proposed a league of democracies
, a group of countries that
share common interests, common values, common ideals, they also
control a lot of the world's economic power
.We could impose
significant meaningful, painful sanctions on the Iranians that
I think could have a beneficial effect.
The
Iranians have a lousy government, so therefore their economy is
lousy even though they have significant oil revenues. So I am
convinced that together, we can, with the French, with the British,
with the Germans and other countries, democracies around the world,
we can affect Iranian behavior
.
What
I'd also like to point out is that the Iranians are putting the
most lethal IEDs [improvised explosive devices] into Iraq which
are killing young Americans. There are special groups in Iran
coming into Iraq and are being trained in Iraq
.Have no doubt
about the ultimate result of them acquiring nuclear weapons.
Obama:
The single thing that has strengthened Iran over the last
several years has been the war in Iraq. Iraq was Iran's mortal
enemy. That was cleared away. And what we've seen over the last
several years is Iran's influence grow. They have funded Hezbollah,
they have funded Hamas, they have gone from zero centrifuges to
4,000 centrifuges to develop a nuclear weapon
.
Senator
McCain is absolutely right, we cannot tolerate a nuclear Iran
.Not
only would it threaten Israel, a country that is our stalwart
ally, but it would also create an environment which could set
off an arms race in the Middle East
.
I do
not agree with Senator McCain that we're going to be able to execute
the kind of sanctions we need without some cooperation with countries
like Russia and China that are, I think Senator McCain would agree,
not democracies, but have extensive trade with Iran but potentially
have an interest in making sure Iran doesn't have a nuclear weapons.
For
discussion
1.
What questions do students have about the reading? How might
they be answered?
2.
Is Iran developing nuclear weapons, as both candidates indicate?
If you can't answer this question, where might you look for information
about it?
3.
What do you know about Iran's relationship with Iraq that
would support or contradict McCain's comments about it?
4.
What do you think about McCain's proposal for a league of democracies?
Why does Obama not think it a good idea?
A
Commentary
Senator
Obama recognizes what Senator McCain apparently does not--that
the war in Iraq has strengthened Iran. During Saddam Hussein's
repressive and at times murderous regime, Sunnis ruled over Shiites.
During this period, many Shiites took refuge in neighboring Iran,
a Shiite country, and developed close ties. Now many of those
Shiite exiles have returned to Iraq and have become religious
and political leaders--thus increasing Iran's influence in Iraq.
Iraqi
Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, a Shiite who has been supported
by the Bush administration, has gone to Tehran to consult with
Iranian leaders. The Badr Corps of the largest Shiite faction,
the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq, was based and trained in
Iran during the Saddam years. Iraq and Iran have established trade
relations, and Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was welcomed
warmly during his visit earlier this year to Iraq to meet with
its leaders.
Despite
Iran's influence in Iraq, its religious regime is not one Iraqis
would support. Most Iraqis oppose both the US occupation and a
theocratic government like Iran's in their country. (Robert Dreyfuss,
www.thenation.com, 2/21/08) In short, the Iraqi-Iranian relationship
is complicated.
As
for Iran's nuclear program, Iranian leaders insist it is for peaceful
energy purposes only. But Iran has repeatedly withheld information
about the program from the International Atomic Energy Agency.
The US and its allies have been pressing Iran through negotiations
and some economic sanctions to end its enrichment of uranium,
a process that could lead to Iran's building nuclear weapons.
In
the debate, neither candidate discussed the U.S.'s own inconsistent
behavior on nuclear weapons. The Bush and previous US administrations
have never proposed economic sanctions or any other penalties
on Israel, which is known to have nuclear weapons. It has not
urged Israel to join the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).
Nor have the US or any of the other nuclear powers lived up to
their own commitments under the NPT to eliminate their own nuclear
arsenals.
If,
as Senator McCain says, an Iran with nuclear weapons would be
"an existential threat" to Israel, why isn't Israel
such a threat to Iran right now? And what evidence does Senator
Obama have that a nuclear Iran "would threaten" Israel?
It is true that Iran is a strong opponent of the Israeli government.
President Ahmadinejad has stated publicly his prediction that
Israel will disappear, though he has never said how. He has never
threatened an attack on Israel, despite frequent claims by American
politicians to the contrary. Iranian leaders surely know about
and fear Israel's nuclear weapons arsenal. The candidates do not
explain why, in such circumstances, Iran is a threat to Israel.
For
discussion
1.
What questions do students have about the commentary? How
might they be answered?
2.
In his 2002 State of the Union address, President Bush named
Iran, as well as Iraq and North Korea, as part of an "axis
of evil." How then would you explain US support for an Iraqi
government that maintains trade and other relations with Iran?
3.
How would you explain the inconsistent position of the US
and other nuclear nations on the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty?
Student
Reading 3:
Debate & Commentary on Afghanistan
Lehrer:
Now having resolved Iraq, we'll move to Afghanistan. (Laughter)
.... Do you think more troops--more US troops should be sent to
Afghanistan, how many, and when?
Obama:
Yes, I think we need more troops....And I think that we have
to do it as quickly as possible, because it's been acknowledged
by the commanders on the ground the situation is getting worse,
not better. We had the highest fatalities among US troops this
past year than at any time since 2002. And we are seeing a major
offensive taking place -- al Qaeda and Taliban crossing the border
and attacking our troops in a brazen fashion. They are feeling
emboldened.
And
we cannot separate Afghanistan from Iraq, because what our commanders
have said is we don't have the troops right now to deal with Afghanistan.
McCain:
...Senator Obama calls for more troops, but what he doesn't
understand, it's got to be a new strategy, the same strategy that
he condemned in Iraq. It's going to have to be employed in Afghanistan.
And
we're going to have to help the Pakistanis go into these areas
and obtain the allegiance of the people. And it's going to be
tough.... But we have to get the cooperation of the people in
those areas. And the Pakistanis are going to have to understand
that that bombing in the Marriott Hotel in Islamabad was a signal
from the terrorists that they don't want that government to cooperate
with us in combating the Taliban and jihadist elements.
So
we've got a lot of work to do in Afghanistan. But I'm confident,
now that General Petraeus is in the new position of command, that
we will employ a strategy which not only means additional troop
--and, by the way, there have been 20,000 additional troops, from
32,000 to 53,000, and there needs to be more.
A
commentary
Neither
candidate offers a clear explanation for the deteriorating situation
in Afghanistan or for how more American troops would reverse it.
They offer no lessons from the Soviet failure in the 1980s to
control Afghanistan or from the British failure in the 19th century.
"Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat
it." wrote George Santayana in The Life of Reason
(1905).
The
corruption of the Hamid Karzai government in Afghanistan and the
American and NATO military presence there have turned Afghans
against the occupying forces, especially because American air
strikes have repeatedly killed Afghan civilians. As a result,
the Taliban are gaining more recruits.
Neither
candidate offers a clear explanation of what he would do about
the safe haven in Pakistan or addressed a major reason for it.
Though the US has contributed nearly $10 billion in recent years
to the effort to eliminate the safe havens, Pakistani governments
past and present have been unsuccessful in eliminating them. A
significant reason is that members of the Pakistani intelligence
service and army have supported the Taliban for years. They have
viewed the Taliban as helping to prevent India's and America's
control over Afghanistan.
The
main threat to the future of Afghanistan is not Al Qaeda, but
the Taliban, even if Osama bin Laden survives in a mountainous
Pakistani hideout. It has become a decentralized organization
and its Pakistani elements are not a significant threat to the
US
For
discussion
1.
What questions do students have about the McCain and Obama's responses
on Afghanistan? How might they be answered?
2.
Do students agree with the commentary? What questions do they
have about it and how might they be answered?
3.
Why is the situation in Afghanistan deteriorating?
4.
What are some of the reasons why sending additional American
troops is unlikely to change that situation? If you disagree,
what reasons can you offer to support additional American troops?
5.
Why do some leaders in Pakistan, a US ally, support the Taliban?
6.
How do you account for audience laughter after Lehrer introduced
the Afghanistan issue?
This
lesson was written for TeachableMoment.Org, a project of Morningside
Center for Teaching Social Responsibility. We
welcome
your comments. Please email author Alan Shapiro at: ashapiro7@comcast.net.
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